General Paul Kagame's and his Rwandan Patriotic Army's criminal
records(some of them):
A. BEFORE APRIL 1994
Massacre of Burundian refugees resettled in Commune Muvumba and
massacre of Hima in Commune Muvumba, Prefecture of Byumba in October
1990 when the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) invaded Rwanda from its
military bases in southwestern Uganda.
Massacres of the population of Shonga, Commune Muvumba, Prefecture
Byumba. The RPF occupied Shonga from October 1990 until its victory in
July, 1994. The RPF decimated the population living in Shonga.
Between 1991 and 1992, RPF massacred Hutu in the communes of Bwisige,
Cyumba, Cyungo, Kibali, Kivuye, Kiyombe, Mukarange, Muvumba, and
Ngarama of the prefecture of Byumba.
Massacres were also carried out in the communes Butaro, Cyeru, and
Nyamugali of Ruhengeri. Some of the people from these communes were
deported to Uganda and disappeared. RPF killings generated massive
internally displaced persons who sought refuge at makeshift camps. The
RPF shelled these camps although these internally displaced persons
were not armed.
On February 8, 1993, the RPF attacked the town of Ruhengeri and
massacred unarmed civilians. During the attack the RPF summarily
executed a large number of civilians including Barengayabo, President
of the Appeal's Court and Philippe Gakwerere, Inspector of mining and
During its military offensive of February 1993, the RPF massacred
unarmed civilians in Ngarama, Commune Gituza, Prefecture of Byumba.
In the night of November 17 and 18, 1993 the RPA under Colonel
Kayizari massacred 48 unarmed civilians in the sous-prefecture of
Kirambo, prefecture of Ruhengeri.
In the same month of November 1993, the RPF Massacred of unarmed
civilians in Commune Mutura, prefecture Gisenyi and Commune Bwisige,
prefecture of Byumba. The United Nations Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR)
investigated the massacre of Mutura and Kirambo and never published
On March 15, 1994 RPF soldiers under Colonel Kayonga carried out the
assassination of Nathanael Nyilinkwaya, director of the tea factory of
Cyohoha Rukeri, his wife, and two factory employees.
>From 1991 to 1993, RPF agents posed mines and bombs on roads,
minibuses, and public places. Some of these agents were arrested
carrying explosives. Others were arrested crossing into Rwanda from
Burundi, Tanzania, and Zaire (the Democratic Republic of the Congo
B. FROM APRIL 6, 1994 TO PRESENT
According to a UN secret report and to Jean-Pierre Mugabe, a former
RPF official, General Kagame ordered the shooting down of the plane
carrying President Juvenal Habyarimana and his Burundi counterpart,
Cyprien Ntaryamira. The plane was shot down on April 6, 1994 at 8:30
PM as it was about to land at Kanombe International Airport.
Presidents, their aides and the crew died on the impact.
In April 1994, the RPF under Colonel Kayonga went from house to house
in Remera, Kigali killing businessmen, intellectuals, politicians, and
all members of their families. RPF soldiers executed unarmed civilians
who fled to Amahoro Stadium.
Following are the names of the people executed by the RPF. The list is
- Ndagijimana, Celestin, Chief Administrator officer at IMPRISCO
- Claudien Habarushaka, former prefect of Kigali;
- Baliyanga, Sylvestre, then prefect of Ruhengeri, his wife and
- Jean-Marie Vianney Mvulirwenande's wife and children;
- Mujyanama, Theoneste, former attorney general;
- Habimana, Aloys, former director in the ministry of agriculture;
- Stanislas Niyibizi's wife and children;
- Hategekimana , Raphael, director of Village Urugwiro
- Major Bugenimana, Helene and her children;
- Bahigiki, Emmanuel, former secretary general in the ministry of
planning, his wife, and children;
- Gahutu, Jean, his wife and his children;
- Nsengiyaremye, Theodore, pharmacist, his wife and his children;
Munyangabe, Marcel, former president of the General Accounting Court,
his wife and his children;
- Ndaziramiye, Herson, his wife and children.
- Gashegu, Dismas, former vice chancellor of the National University
- Mbanzarugamba, Felicien, employee at Bralirwa, his wife and
- Kayibanda, Irenee, employee at Societe Nationale d'Assurances
- Hategekimana, Jean, president of the Court of Kigali, his wife and
- Mupenda, Frederic, employee at the ministry of public works
- Donat Hakizimana, his wife and children.
- Nyungura, Emile, his wife and children;
According to Human Rights Watch and the FIDH, by April 25, 1994 the
RPF had opened a corridor from Kigali to Byumba. It evacuated
civilians from Amahoro Stadium, Kigali to Byumba. Some of the people
it evacuated were summarily executed in Byumba. Among them was
Gregoire Kayinamura, vice president of MDR, Norbert Muhaturukundo,
employee at the ministry of information, and Sebulikoko, Celestin,
businessman. This list is not exhaustive. So far, no RPF soldier has
On April 21, 1994 the RPF killed Catholic priests who had sought
refuge at Rwesero Seminary. These priests are: Christian Nkiliyehe,
Anastase Nkundabanyanga, Joseph Hitimana, Gaspard Mudashimwa, Alexis
Havugimana, Celestin Muhayimana, Augustin Mushyenderi, and Fidele
Mulinda. So far, no RPF soldier has been prosecuted.
On June 5, 1994 RPF soldiers summarily executed three Catholic
bishops: Vincent Nsengiyumva, Archbishop of Kigali; Thaddee
Nsengiyumva, bishop of Kabgayi; Joseph Ruzindana, bishop of Byumba;
and nine Catholic priests: Mgr. Innocent Gasabwoya, former General
Vicar Bishop of Kamonyi; Mgr. Jean-Marie Vianney Rwabilinda, Father
Emmanuel Uwimana, Chancellor of the minor seminary of Kabgayi, Father
Sylvestre Ndaberetse, Father Bernard Ntamugabumwe, Father Francois
Xavier Muligo, Father Alfred Kayibanda, and Fidele Gahonzire Human RPF
soldiers also executed Brother Jean Baptiste Nsinga, President of St
Joseph Brothers. So far no RPF soldier has been prosecuted.
RPF soldiers summarily executed priests, nuns, and pastors. - From
April 7, 1994 through August 1994, the RPF summoned people to public
meetings. After people had gathered to listen to RPF officials, RPF
soldiers massacred them. The following terms are reminiscent of these
episodes: kwitaba inama or to attend a public meeting; kwikiza umwanzi
or to get rid of the enemy, and gutegura or to clean up a place. When
people were summoned to attend a public meeting, they were summarily
executed. When people were summoned to clean up a place to supposedly
resettle internally displaced people, they were summarily executed.
When people were summoned to attend a public meeting to learn how to
smoke out interahamwe, they were asked to tie each other arms behind
the back using ropes. Then they were summarily executed. Human Rights
Watch and the FIDH have reported these massacres in the publication
A UNHCR report prepared by a team of three people headed by Robert
Gersony on these numerous massacres that occurred as the RPF took
control of Rwanda in 1994 was buried under pressure from the United
States and the UN. According to Human Rights Watch and the FIDH, "From
August 1 through September 5, the team visited ninety-one sites in
forty one of the 145 communes of Rwanda and gathered detailed
information about ten others". They go on to say that "A written note
produced by the UNHCR estimated only that the RPF had killed thousands
of persons a month, but Gersony himself reportedly estimated that
during the months from April to August the RPF killed between 25,000
and 45,000 persons, between 5,000 and 10,000 persons each month from
April through July and 5,000 for the month of August. In press
accounts based on leaked information, the figure most often cited was
Massacre of unarmed civilian at Kibeho, prefecture of Gikongoro.
UNAMIR, non-government organizations and international news media
witnessed this massacre. More than 8,000 people died. Pasteur
Bizimungu, then president of Rwanda, urged the international community
to accept the death toll of three hundred people. RPA soldiers removed
dead bodies at night and took them at other locations so that
international news media and non government organizations could not
Massacres of tens of thousands unarmed Hutu civilians, mostly women,
children and elderly, by the Rwandan Patriotic Front, in Kanama in
October-November 1997. The Rwanda Patriotic Army accepted the
responsibility for these crimes, but none was punished or even
prosecuted for these crimes against humanity. To repair the tarnished
image of Kagame's regime, Colonel Ibingira who ordered this massacre
was sentenced to one year of under house arrest.
Massacres of tens of thousands of unarmed civilians, mostly women,
children and elderly in the caves of Nyakinama, Bugoyi, in 1998. The
international media and the international community confirmed the
massacres and Rwandan Patriotic Army admitted to the crimes. Massacres
of hundreds of thousands of ethnic Hutu civilians villagers, mostly
young boys, women, children, and elderly in the villages across
Ruhengeri and Gisenyi in 1997-1998, by the Rwandan Patriotic Army.
These massacres occurred under the command of General Kayumba
Nyamwasa, the current chief staff of the APR. He was then the
highest-ranking military officer in charge of military operations in
the prefectures of Gisenyi and Ruhengeri. The international community
confirmed the massacres.
Massacres of an estimated 200,000 Hutu civilians in the refugee camps
in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, former Zaire in 1996-1997.
The United Nations, the USA, and European Union confirmed the
massacres and the Rwandan Patriotic Army admitted to these crimes, but
none was prosecuted. These crimes were called "acts of genocide" by
the International Non-Government Independent Commission set up by the
United Nations to inquire on crimes committed in Eastern Democratic
Republic of the Congo. The following military officers participated in
the massacres of these Hutu refugees:
a.. Colonel James Kabarebe, commander of the military invasion of
b.. Colonel Ibingira;
c.. Lieutenant Colonel Murokore;
d.. Colonel Nzaramba;
e.. Retired Colonel Nduguteye;
f.. Colonel Jackson Rwahama;
g.. Major Jacques Nziza, Director of the Department of Military
h.. Lieutenant Colonel Wilson Rutayisire;
i.. Major Dan Munyuza;
j.. Commander David;
k.. Commander Godfrey Kabanda;
l.. Lieutenant Colonel Kiago
Summary executions of the soldiers of the ex-FAR (Forces Armees
Rwandaises) and their families after they returned from the refugee
camps of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Tanzania from 1996.
Those who escaped assassination are rotting in jail. The following
listing is not exhaustive:
a.. Colonel Stanislas Hakizimana, assassinated along with his
family, relatives, and neighbors on January 21, 1997;
b.. Lieutenant-Colonel Augustin Nzabanita assassinated while in
prison in Gisenyi on January 23, 1997;
c.. Lietenant-Colonel BEM Antoine Sebahire assassinated along with
d.. Major Laurent Bizabarimana assassinated in Nyarutovu on January
e.. Major Lambert Rugambage assassinated in January 1997;
f.. Major Rutayisire assassinated while in RPF ideological training
known as ingando;
g.. Captain Alexander Mugarura, assassinated;
h.. Captain Theodore Hakizimana, assassinated;
i.. Captain Jean Kabera, assassinated;
j.. Lieutenant Francois Nsengimana, assassinated;
k.. Lieutenant Faustin Nsengiyumva, assassinated;
l.. Lieutenant Edouard Nsengiyumva, assassinated;
m.. Major Martin Ndamage rotting in a military prison;
n.. Major Athanase Uwamungu, rotting in a military prison;
o.. Captain Isidore Bwanakweri rotting in a military prison.
Extrajudicial executions of detainees by members of the security
forces some of which have been documented by Amnesty International,
a.. Execution of 12 detainees at Muyira solitary confinements,
prefecture of Butare on January 14, 1997.
b.. Executions of more than 20 detainees at Gisovu dungeons,
prefecture of Kibuye on January 23, 1997.
c.. Execution of six detainees at Runda dungeons, prefecture of
Gitarama on February 14,1997
d.. Execution of 10 detainees at Maraba dungeons, prefecture of
Butare on May 7, 1997.
e.. Execution of 15 detainees at Gatonde dungeons, prefecture of
f.. Execution of six detainees at Ndusu dungeons, prefecture of
Ruhengeri on May 10, 1997.
g.. Execution of 95 detainees at Rubavu dungeons and an unknown
number at Kanama dungeons.
The disappearances of many Rwandan citizens (journalists, businessmen
and ordinary people) and the detention of Rwandan citizens in private
houses. The number of these prisoners is above 125,000 of whom more
than 30 percent are believed to be innocent.
The killings of foreign nationals such as Father Valmajo of Spain,
killed at Nyinawimana in April 1994; Father Claude Simard, a Canadian
killed on October 17, 1994; three Spanish employees of the non
government organization Medicos del Mundo killed on 18 January 1997;
Father Guy Pinard, a Canadian killed on February 2, 1997, Father
Curick Vjechoslav of Croatia assassinated in Kigali in 1998, and
Father Duchamp, a Canadian.
Kagame's regime has detained 4,554 minors for allegedly taking part in
the genocide. Some were arrested when they were as young as 8 years
old. The children who were under 14 years old when they were arrested
have been sharing overcrowded filthy prisons with adults.
To accelerate the decimation of the Hutu, General Kagame 's regime has
resorted to two strategies. One has consisted of rounding up Hutu
males and sending them to prison for allegedly participating in the
genocide of Tutsi. Today 135,000 Hutu live in filthy crowded prisons
where they die of epidemics slowly. Some have had legs amputated and
others have lost feet or toes. The second strategy is round up able
body Hutu young males and send them to the front in the Democratic
Republic of the Congo (DRC) after receiving minimal military training.
According to a news report broadcast by the Voice of America (VOA) on
July 21, 2000, the UNHCR has recorded an increase of Rwandan refugees
fleeing to Tanzania since the beginning of this year. This news report
says: "The agency says that for the first six months of this year, an
average of 380 Rwandan refugees a month have sought asylum in
Tanzania. It says the recent big increase in refugees brings this
year's total to three thousand two hundred forty." A UNHCR
spokesperson told VOA that "aid workers who traveled to the Rwandan
border on July 11 were told that bodies had been seen floating in the
Local Defense Units (LDU), RPF militias based in all rural areas are
responsible for this flight and murders. Lately they have been very
active in the prefecture of Kibungo where the RPF has been trying to
create a Tutsi land since it came to power in July 1994. Tutsi who
came from Uganda have occupied houses and banana fields in Kibungo and
chasing out Hutu from their properties. These Hutu have been relocated
into concentration camps euphemistically called "villages" by the RPF
regime. Here we do not forget those multiple hideous political
assassinations of Gapyisi, Bucyana, Gatabazi before april 1994 and
Col. Lizinde, Seth sendashonga in Kenya and many many others inside
and outside as well.
How the west will justify more than 3,500,000 deaths! Incredible! How
the UN and other powefull countries will justify, mass-raping,
desappearences, killings of our kids mums, fathers, brothers and
sisters? A financial compansation could be acceptable????? I am really
The West has, for decades, plundered Africa's wealth and permitted,
and even, assisted in slaughtering Africa's people. The West has been
able to do this while still shrewdly cultivating the myth that much of
Africa's problems today are African made--we have all heard the usual
Western defenses that Africa's problems are the fault of corrupt
African administrations, centuries-old tribal hatreds, the fault of
unsophisticated peoples. But we know that those statements are all a
lie. We have always known it..."Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney
"WHAT A DIFFERENCE AN ELECTION MAKES: OR DOES IT?"
RIGGED ELECTIONS CAN NOT CLEAN THE BLOODBATH OF GENERAL KAGAME.
This concerns the record of American policy in Africa over most of the
past decade, particularly that involving the central African Great
Lakes region. It is a policy that has rested, in my opinion, on the
twin pillars of unrestrained military aid and questionable trade. The
military aid programs of the United States, largely planned and
administered by the U.S. Special Operations Command and the Defense
Intelligence Agency (DIA), have been both overt and covert.
Wayne Madsen is an investigative journalist who has written for The
Village Voice, The Progressive, CAQ, and the Intelligence Newsletter.
He is the author of Genocide and Covert Activities in Africa 1993-1999
(Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen, 1999), an expose of U.S. and French
intelligence activities in Africa's recent civil wars and ethnic
rebellions. He served as an on-air East Africa analyst for ABC News in
the aftermath of the 1998 U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya and Tanzania.
Mr. Madsen has appeared on 60 Minutes, World News Tonight, Nightline,
20/20, MS-NBC, and NBC Nightly News, among others. He has been
frequently quoted by the Associated Press, foreign wire services, and
many national and international newspapers.
Mr. Madsen is also the author of a motion picture screen play
treatment about the nuclear submarine USS Scorpion. He is a former
U.S. Naval Officer and worked for the National Security Agency and
U.S. Naval Telecommunications Command.
A LINGERING QUESTION ON ASSASSINATIONS
"The present turmoil in central Africa largely stems from a fateful
incident that occurred on April 6, 1994. That was the missile attack
on the Rwandan presidential aircraft that resulted in the death of
Rwanda's Hutu President Juvenal Habyarimana, his colleague President
Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, Habyarimana's chief advisers, and the
The massacres of more than 500, 000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus after
the assassination of President Habyarimana on April 6th, 1994 were
followed by a mass-slaughters orchestrated by the Tutsi-led Rwanda
Patriotic Front (RPF) government that resulted in the deaths of
500,000 mostly Hutu refugees in Rwanda and neighboring Zaire/Congo.
No one has even identified the assassins of the two presidents let
alone sought to bring them to justice. There have been a number of
national and international commissions that have looked into the
causes for the Rwandan genocide. These have included investigations by
the Belgian Senate, the French National Assembly, the United Nations,
and the Organization of African Unity. None of these investigations
have identified the perpetrators of the aerial assassination. In 1998,
French Judge Jean-Louis Bruguiere launched an investigation of the
aircraft attack. After interviewing witnesses in Switzerland, Rwanda,
Tanzania, and Russia, Bruguiere apparently has enough evidence to
issue an international arrest warrant for President Kagame. A former
French Judge, Thierry Jean-Pierre, now a Member of the European
Parliament, in an entirely separate and private investigation, came to
the same conclusion that Kagame was behind the attack. The United
States government must come to its senses, as it did with past
intelligence assets like Sadaam Hussein, Alberto Fujimori, General
Suharto, Ferdinand Marcos, and Manuel Noriega, and support a judicial
accounting by Kagame. If it is proven that U.S. citizens were in any
way involved in planning the assassination, they should also be
brought to justice before the international war crimes tribunal.
Immediately after the attack on the presidential plane, much of the
popular press in the United States brandished the theory that militant
Hutus brought it down. I suggest that following some four years of
research concentrating on the missile attack, there is no basis for
this conclusion. In fact, I believe there is concrete evidence to show
that the plane was shot down by operatives of the RPF. At the time,
the RPF was supported by the United States and its major ally in the
region, Uganda. Prior to the attack, the RPF leader, the current
Rwandan strongman General Paul Kagame, received military training at
the U.S. Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth,
Kansas. Many of Kagame's subordinates received similar training,
including instruction in the use of surface-to-air missiles (SAMs) at
the Barry Goldwater Air Force Range at Luke Air Force Base, Arizona.
It was Soviet-designed SAMs that were used to shoot down the Rwandan
president's airplane. By its own admission, the U.S. Defense
Department provided official military training to the RPF beginning in
January 1994, three months before the missile attack on the aircraft.
In testimony before the French inquiry commission, former French
Minister for International Cooperation Bernard Debre insisted that the
two SAM-16s used in the attack on the aircraft were procured from
Ugandan military stocks and were "probably delivered by the Americans
. . . from the Gulf War." He was supported by two former heads of the
French foreign intelligence service (DGSE) Jacques Dewatre and Claude
Silberzahn, as well as General Jean Heinrich, the former head of
French military intelligence (DRM). Former moderate Hutu Defense
Minister James Gasana, who served under Habyarimana from April 1992 to
July 1993, stated before the French inquiry that his government
declined to purchase SAMs because they realized the RPF had no planes
and, therefore, procurement of such weapons would have been a waste of
The contention by French government officials that the RPF was
responsible for the aerial attack is supported by three former RPF
intelligence officers who disclosed details of the operation to UN
investigators. The three informants were rated as Category 2 witnesses
on a 4-point scale where 1 is highly credible and 2 is "true but
untested." The RPF informants claim the plane was downed by an elite
10-member RPF team with the "assistance of a foreign government." Some
of the team members are apparently now deceased. A confidential UN
report on the plane attack was delivered to the head of the UN War
Crimes Tribunal, Judge Louise Arbour of Canada, but was never made
public. In fact, Arbour terminated the investigation when details of
the RPF's involvement in the assassination became clear. The UN now
denies such a report exists. Michael Hourigan, an Australian lawyer
who first worked as an International War Crimes Tribunal investigator
and then for the UN's Office of Internal Oversight Services, confirmed
that the initial war crimes investigation team uncovered evidence of
the RPF's involvement in the attack but their efforts were undercut by
senior UN staff.
After the former RPF intelligence team revealed details of the attack,
they were supported by yet another former RPF intelligence officer
named Jean Pierre Mugabe. In a separate declaration, Mugabe contended
that the assassination was directed by Kagame and RPF deputy
commander-in-chief James Kabarebe. The RPF, according to Mugabe,
campaigned extensively for the regional peace meeting in Dar es Salaam
from which Habyarimana was returning when he was assassinated. Mugabe
claimed the idea was to collect the top Hutu leadership on the plane
in order to easily eliminate them in the attack.
Yet another defector from the RPF, Christophe Hakizabera, in a
declaration to a UN investigation commission, states that the "foreign
power" that helped the RPF shoot down the airplane was, in fact,
Uganda. According to Hakizabera, the first and second assassination
planning meetings were held in Uganda in the towns of Kabale and
Mbarara, respectively. A third, in which Kagame was present, was held
in March 1994 in Bobo-Dioulasso, Burkina Faso.
As it did with the three other RPF defectors, the UN took no action as
a result of this complaint. It appears, and this is supported by
private conversations I have had with former UN officials, that some
other party is calling the shots in the world body's investigation of
human rights violations in Africa.
The involvement of Uganda in the assassination tends to support the
contention of the former French government ministers that the SAMs
were provided to Uganda by the United States from captured Iraqi arms
caches during Desert Storm. My own research indicates that these
missiles were delivered to Uganda via a CIA-run arms depot outside of
Cairo, Egypt. After the transfer, Uganda kept some of the missiles and
launchers for its own armed forces and delivered the remainder to the
Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) and the RPF.
Other evidence pointing to an RPF role in the attack includes COMINT
(communications intelligence) picked up by military units and civilian
radio operators in Rwanda. A Rwandan Armed Forces COMINT listening
station picked up a transmission on an RPF frequency, which stated
"the target is hit." This was reported to a Togolese member of the UN
Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR). A Belgian amateur radio
operator reported that after the attack, he heard someone on a
frequency used by a Belgian PMC in Kigali state, "We killed Le Grand
(Habyarimana)." The Belgian operator also stated that all Rwandan
Armed Forces messages following the attack indicated the Rwandan army
was in complete disarray n something that would not have been the case
had the Rwandan government perpetrated the attack on its own
president. Another source of COMINT was a French signals intelligence
unit sent to Kigali from the French military base in Bangui, Central
African Republic. According to French Judge Jean-Pierre, copies of
French intercepts of RPF communications indicate, beyond a doubt, the
culpability of the RPF in the attack on the aircraft.
Some formerly classified US State Department cables, which I received
following a Freedom of Information Act request, reveal that the U.S.
foreign policy establishment was of two minds over the April 6 attack.
The U.S. Embassy in Burundi kept a surprisingly open mind about its
theories about the missile attack, even suggesting a Rwandan Patriotic
Front (RPF) role in it. Other U.S. diplomatic posts, most notably that
in Kigali, seemed to follow the script that the aircraft was downed by
hard-line Hutus who wanted to implement a well-planned genocide of
Tutsis and moderate Hutus.
A May 25, 1994 Secret message from the Department of State to all
African diplomatic posts also reports that "the RPF has summarily
executed Hutu militia alleged to have been involved in the massacres
and the RPF has admitted to such killings." The same message states
that "Rwandan government officials who controlled the airport" or
"French military officials" recovered the downed presidential
aircraft's black box after securing the airport and removing the body
of the French pilot from Habyarimana's plane. However, according to
officials I interviewed who were involved with UN air movements in the
region, the black box was secretly transported to UN Headquarters in
New York where it remains to this day.
Officially, the Rwandan government claims the black box went missing.
According to the UN investigators, the black box was spirited away by
UN officials from Kigali to New York via Nairobi. In addition, this
shipment was known to US government officials. According to the UN
sources, data from the black box is being withheld by the UN under
pressure from our own government. The investigators also revealed that
RPF forces controlled three major approaches to Kayibanda Airport on
the evening of the attack and that European mercenaries, in the pay of
the RPF and US intelligence, planned and launched the missile attack
on the Mystere-Falcon. The CIA figured prominently in the UN
investigation of the missile attack. According to the investigators,
the search for the assassins ultimately led to a warehouse in Kanombe,
near the airport. From this warehouse, during the afternoon of April
6, the missile launchers were assembled and readied for action by the
mercenaries. As the UN investigation team was nearing its final
conclusion and was prepared to turn up evidence indicating the
warehouse had been leased by a Swiss company, said to be linked to
U.S. intelligence, its mandate was swiftly terminated...."
It is clear that the United States, contrary to comments made by its
senior officials, including former President Clinton, played more of a
role in the Rwandan tragedy than it readily admits. This involvement
continued through the successive Rwandan and Ugandan-led invasions of
neighboring Zaire/Congo. Speculation that Rwanda was behind the recent
assassination of President Laurent Kabila in Congo (and rumors that
the CIA was behind it) has done little to put the United States in a
favorable light in the region. After all, the date of Kabila's
assassination on January 16 this year -- was practically 40 years from
the very day of the CIA-planned and executed assassination of
Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba.
The quick pace at which Kabila's son and successor Joseph Kabila
visited the United States at the same time of Kagame's presence, and
his subsequent meetings with Corporate Council for Africa officials
and Maurice Tempelsman (the majordomo of U.S. Africa policy), calls
into question what the United States knew about the assassination and
when it knew about it.
Also, particularly troublesome is a conclusion the CIA is said to have
reached in an assessment written in January 1994, a few months before
the genocide. According to key officials I have interviewed during my
research, that analysis came to the conclusion that in the event that
President Habyarimana was assassinated, the minimum number of deaths
resulting from the mayhem in Rwanda would be 500 (confined mostly to
Kigali and environs) and the maximum 500,000. Regrettably, the CIA's
higher figure was closer to reality.
"Remember that Kagame was in Washington about August 1996 checking
his battle plans with the Pentagon. Mobutu's days were numbered"
The US took all the right decisions to allow the Rwanda genocide to
unfold. And Clinton's comment that "we didn't know what was going on
at the time" couldn't have been a bigger lie. Do you suppose it was
coincidental that a Rwanda delegate rotated on to the security council
early in 1994 and then worked with US representatives to block all
subsequent attempts to deal appropriately with the unfolding
"All these US military programs like IMET and E-IMET, ACRI and JCET
are designed to consolidate US hegemony. UPDF and RCD and SPLA have
conscripted child soldiers. They use sophisticated weapons not only
the machetes so widely advertised by the media propaganda front of
1994 which sowed indifference and apathy in the US public. Troops have
been trained by US green berets and US military personnel have worked
to coordinate SPLA and RPF/UPDF/RCD military campaigns. This is
according to Ugandan dissidents and/or Congolese refugees fleeing
Congo and/or ex-patriots on the ground. And there are plenty of people
who support these statements....."
".........Remember that RPF goverment clamed the economic growth of 5%
then 10%, Just like Enron and other 200 US companies which collupsed
in bankrupcy because of bribary,corruption and big lies......."
I find it particularly remarkable that the diamond exports from the
Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) were some US$897 million in 1997.
Now this is a "country" which was in a major war. And then in 1998,
DRC ranked second in diamond production at 25.7 million carats. Again,
a country in a brutal war where hundreds and hundreds of thousands of
people and in fact I think it is millions of people -- suffered the
consequences through disease and despair and displacement and rape and
hunger and robbery and often death.....
THIS IS THE NON-EXHAUSTIVE ACCOUNTABILITY OF PAUL KAGAME DURING THIS